Against a Unified Analysis of Givenness and Focus
نویسنده
چکیده
The role of information structure in determining the placement of pitch accent in English is often reduced to notions of Focus (e.g. Chomsky, 1971; Vallduvı́, 1990; Rooth, 1992; Roberts, 1996) and Givenness (e.g. Chafe, 1974; Schwarzschild, 1999; Féry & Samek-Lodovici, 2006; Selkirk, 2007). In question-answer pairs like the following,1 the default sentential stress pattern of English, where the strongest pitch accent falls at the right edge of the clause (see e.g. Liberman & Prince, 1977; Idsardi, 1992; Truckenbrodt, 1999), is altered in (b)—the accent shifts from the predicate danced onto the subject.
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